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Migrants’ Voices Negotiating Autonomy in Santa Cruz

Migrants’ Voices Negotiating Autonomy in Santa Cruz

The regional autonomy movement based in Santa Cruz draws on long-standing regional divisions, and it has solidified amid the breakdown of the elite-led political party system and the national election of Evo Morales and the Movimiento al Socialismo (Movement Toward Socialism—MAS). Critics and national government supporters view regional autonomy as a defensive stance taken by elites against the redistributive policies, expansion of indigenous sovereignty, and widening popular democracy under the MAS. But lowland regional leaders and elites have begun to present autonomy as inclusive and popular in order to broaden support and challenge the Morales government. Largely removed from debates over autonomy are migrants to the rapidly urbanizing city of Santa Cruz who in many cases experience uneven integration into host communities. Despite the autonomists’ efforts at fostering inclusion and popular buy-in, highland migrants’ support for autonomy is weak, while lowland migrants generally favor autonomy and skilled highlanders—more integrated into Santa Cruz—tend to support it conditionally. Migrants of all three groups perceive class disparities within the city to be as salient as regional and ethnic divisions.

Catalans rally for greater autonomy

More than a million people have gathered in northeastern Barcelona to demand greater regional autonomy for Catalonia and protest against a recent court ruling forbidding the prosperous region from calling itself a nation.

  

City government spokesman Manuel Campillo said police had counted 1.1 million people at a vast rally on Saturday that filled Barcelona's major Gran Via, Diagonal and Paseo de Gracia

boulevards. Rally organisers, Omnium Cultural, calculated attendance at 1.5 million, spokesman Daniel Jove said.

  

Spain's courts recently granted sweeping new powers of self-rule to the region, but on Friday its highest court ruled that the country's Constitution recognised Spain as the country's only nation, dealing a blow to efforts by Catalonia to assume that status.

  

The verdict came after four years of debate in which conservative and liberal judges locked horns over whether the charter went beyond the limits of Spain's system of granting varying degrees of self-rule to its 17 regions.

  

Catalans have their own language and are proud of a history which, until 1714, linked them to the independent Kingdom of Aragon.

  

During the dictatorship of General Francisco Franco (1939-1975) Catalans were forbidden from speaking their language and it was illegal to publish books in Catalan.

  

Jove said about 1400 Catalan organisations, including political parties, trade unions as well as cultural and business associations, had called on members to gather.

  

Sunny, hot weather enticed many people to attend the rally. Television news reports showed a huge crowd waving Catalan nationalist flags, chanting and carrying banners saying "We are a Nation".

Fabian appeals to P-Noy for Zambo as reg’l capital anew

Fabian made this appeal live on  national television where he was invited to be one of the guests in the weekly national talk show titled ‘Congress in Action’ of the  National Broadcasting Network (NBN-4) last  Tuesday night.
The solon said that Zamboanga City is still the ideal and best location for a government center here in the region, considering its strategic location and viability in terms of economic  stature and basic infrastructure needed by the government offices in performing their work.
“I have nothing against Pagadian for that matter, but I believe that our city is still the best location for the regional center,” Fabian stressed.
The official said that a lot of humanitarian and economic considerations should be looked into with regards to this issue, considering the displacement of the families of the affected government employees and their financial adjustments working in a distant place while residing here in the city.
It can be recalled that former president Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo directed all regional offices based here in Zamboanga City to transfer to Pagadian City following an executive order which was also complied by majority of the government regional offices based here in the city.
Similarly, Fabian also reiterated his position with regards to the revival on the issue of the Autonomous Region. The solon said that he is steadfast in his position and one with the Zamboangenos in opposing to be part of the ARMM.
He said that the government should look into the position of the local officials and the people who have spoken several times and made their stand openly against the regional autonomy being proposed by some sectors.
“The people have spoken, me and other local officials of the city have set aside our political affiliations and interests in fighting for our unwavering support to each and everyone here in saying NO to Autonomy,” Fabian said.

Regional Autonomy in Indonesian

Regional Autonomy in Indonesian

Effective on January 1, 2001 the government of Indonesia has been implementing the policy on regional autonomy. Policy of regional autonomy is covered and regulated in two laws, namely Law No. 22 Year 1999 on Regional Governance and Law No.. 25 Year 1999 on Financial Balance between Central and Local. To support both these laws, the government has issued several additional government regulations to accelerate the implementation of the decentralization policy. In this context, there are at least three government regulations have been issued so far.

Both these laws are subject to a wide-seluasnya freedom of action to the area but still within the framework of regional autonomy, which is responsible for setting and rule over the territory independently without any interference from the central government based on local community initiatives and aspirations in accordance with conditions and the potential for their respective regions. The presence of both laws can be viewed as the positive impact of the reform process of the rolling since the economic crisis that marks a paradigm change, namely changes in the government system from centralized to decentralized systems.

The main purpose of the Law No. 22 Year 1999 is to lay the groundwork for the implementation of regional autonomy by giving discretion to the local freedom of action in order to become an autonomous region in an effort to preserve the integrity of the Unitary Republic of Indonesia (Homeland) in accordance with the mandate of the Constitution of 1945. Implementation of regional autonomy is widely based on the principles of democracy, responsibility, community participation, equality and justice as well as consideration of potential and diversification of the region.

Meanwhile, the main purpose of Law No. 25 Year 1999 is to effectively increase the ability of regional economies, to create a fair system of local finance and realization of system financial balance between central and local.

Special Autonomous for Bali

Special Autonomous for Bali

Chile's Mapuches Call for Regional Autonomy

Chile's Mapuches Call for Regional Autonomy

Leaders of Chile's indigenous Mapuche community have seized upon the death of activist Jaime Mendoza Collío to rev up their long-standing campaign for land reform and political autonomy in southern Chile. Simmering tensions that periodically burst into brief fits of violence have come to mark the Araucanía in southern Chile, the area in which most of the country's 900,000 Mapuches live.

Military police shot the 24-year-old Mapuche activist to death on August 12 in an operation mounted to dislodge a group of activists from a piece of seized land in the southern town of Collipulli.

The ongoing conflict is rooted in the backlog of unsatisfied demands for land by Mapuche claimants. The Bachelet administration, counseling patience and dialogue, has stepped up the tortoise-like pace of land reform. The Inter-Press Service reports that the Bachelet administration has now granted 35 percent of the 1.5 million acres of land that has devolved to indigenous communities since 1994. The central government purchased and distributed 345,000 acres, with transfers of public lands or awards of title to previously distributed lands making up the balance, according to José Aylwin of the NGO Observatorio Ciudadano.

But the pace of land reform is still painfully slow for many Mapuche communities, a number of which have resorted to civil disobedience to speed up the process. In late July, after failing to receive an audience with President Bachelet or Araucanía's Governor Nora Barrientos, a group of Mapuche communities launched a series of land invasions. It was in one of these seizures that Mendoza Collío was killed.

The mounting tensions have also led to a spike in militant activity by radical Mapuche activists. The Coordinadora Arauco Malleco attacked a bus and two trucks outside of Temuco in the month of July. In response, a paramilitary group known as the Comando Hernán Trizano said it would use arms and explosives to "put an end to the Mapuche conflict."

The Chilean government's reaction to Mapuche acts of land seizure and vandalism has attracted international attention and criticism for its harsh severity, calling into question Chile's reputation as one of the hemisphere's most strongly consolidated democracies. On a recent visit to Chile, for example, the executive director of Human Rights Watch, José Miguel Vivanco, characterized the August 12 killing of Mendoza Collío as an "unjustified homicide."

The Chilean government has invoked an anti-terrorism statute from the Pinochet era to punish radical Mapuche protesters who seize land and willfully destroy property. The Inter-American Court of Human Rights has declared the Pinochet-era Anti-Terrorism Law in violation of international law, although the Chilean state has yet to change it. The U.N. Committee for the Elimination of Racism also recently criticized the Chilean government for applying the Anti-Terrorism Law "principally to members of the Mapuche community, for acts committed in the context of social demands and related to the vindication of their ancestral land rights."

Now Mapuche political leaders are taking the logic of land reform one step further and demanding regional autonomy for Wallmapu, as Mapudungun speakers call the Araucanía.

In an appearance on the television talk show Tolerancia Cero that took place shortly after Mendoza Collío's death, a spokesman for the Council of All Lands (Consejo de Todas las Tierras), Aucán Huilcamán, proposed the creation of an autonomous, self-governed area south of the Bío Bío River. Huilcamán cited the rights to political self-determination and regional autonomy granted by the 2007 U.N. Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples as the legal basis for the demand. He likened the group's vision of regional autonomy to that enjoyed by the Miskito in Nicaragua or the Inuit of Greenland, and proposed that its government apparatus be financed in part by the Chilean central government, since the Chilean state "from the moment it took over, usurped, and confiscated the territory of the Mapuche, has a debt—in economic, cultural and even moral terms."

Huilcán is not the only Mapuche leader who has settled on regional autonomy as a political goal. The Associated Press reported on August 15 that "dozens of Indian communities agreed to form the Mapuche Territorial Alliance to fight for political autonomy." The alliance may soon be augmented by as many as 60 more Mapuche communities who have expressed interest in joining the group.

A third group, called Wallmapuwen (invoking the Mapudungun name for the Araucanía), which is struggling to become Chile's first official Mapuche political party, has taken the most concrete steps to push toward making regional autonomy a reality. Wallmapuwen was officially formed in February 2006 to advance the goal of regional autonomy for the Mapuche. The group's founders continue to struggle to gain the necessary 5,000 signatures necessary to become incorporated as an official political party under Chilean law.

In a meeting on August 29 with Minister for Indigenous Affairs José Antonio Viera Gallo, Wallmapuwen leaders delivered an outline for their proposal for regional autonomy. The draft advances not only a reconstituted, decentralized local government, but also calls for a new constitution that would recognize Chile as a plurinational state and raise Mapudungun to the status of an official language. The national legislature would be required to reserve seats for Mapuche representatives in order to guarantee representation.

Following the meeting, Wallmapuwen leader Gustavo Quilaqueo said, "There are numerous modern democracies that see state decentralization as an opportunity and in no way as a threat. Our political class, including those who govern today, need to stop being so provincial on this subject."

Coordinating a political project as sweeping as a new constitution and the creation of an autonomous regional government is an ambitious goal, but it is becoming clear that to diffuse the violent tensions plaguing southern Chile, the Bachelet administration will soon have to address Mapuche political demands as well as land reform.